insert-headers-and-footers domain was triggered too early. This is usually an indicator for some code in the plugin or theme running too early. Translations should be loaded at the init action or later. Please see Debugging in WordPress for more information. (This message was added in version 6.7.0.) in /home/chosetfn/public_html/wp-includes/functions.php on line 6170Nigeria has several criminal organizations that conduct various illicit activities, including human trafficking, smuggling, drug trafficking, and cybercrime (Anisulowo, 2022). In the past decade, the Black Axe has become one of the most powerful and deadly criminal groups originating from Nigeria, with a presence throughout Africa, Europe, Asia, and North America (Judah et al., 2021).
The global nature of Black Axe has led to different understandings of the group, and the media depiction of the organization varies depending on the geographical source.
Within Nigeria, Black Axe is presented as a violent group of young men who threaten the local community by committing murder, kidnappings, and human trafficking (Babajide, 2021).
Around the world, Black Axe has been described as a “new kind of mafia” or a “new mob” (The Mob Reporter, 2016). Focused on cybercrime, their illicit activities are mostly non-violent but still destructive.
By conducting a LexisNexis search on Black Axe and their culture, I have concluded three dominant themes: cult membership, secrecy, and space. By exploring these themes, I aim to describe the cultural understanding of the Black Axe as depicted in the public realm, concluding that Black Axe is seen as a mysterious threat shrouded in secrecy.
The following content analysis was conducted using a LexisNexis search on Google, cross-referencing with related articles from the Lloyd Sealy Library. Collecting information from public records and various data sources offered insights into Black Axe's cultural attributes.
After an initial search on Google using the keywords Nigerian criminal organizations and culture, it became apparent that Black Axe is one of the most prolific and widely-reported groups in Google’s top results and news stories. I further refined the search to include keywords such as Black Axe culture, how do the Nigerian criminal organizations work, Nigerian criminal organizations structure, and relationship between Black Axe and government Nigeria.
I repeated these search terms in the Lloyd Sealy Library, where three significant articles were listed for Nigerian criminal organizations and culture. These articles include Linking Organizational Justice to Organizational Commitment Among Nigerian Police Officers (Sun et al. 2021), Italian Cops Try to Stop a Sex Trafficking Gang Called Black Axe (All Things Considered, 2018), and Pirate Towns: Reworking Social and Symbolic Infrastructures in Johannesburg and Douala (Simone, 2006).
Despite many Google articles and publications on Black Axe, there is very little information about the organization from academic sources, supporting the suggestion that the Nigerian criminal organization has not been studied, adding to the group’s reputation of secrecy.
Search results focused on the origins of Black Axe, how the group has expanded worldwide, and why they are seen as a significant threat. As several articles referenced Black Axe as a “new mafia,” I considered the comparison of Black Axe as a modern criminal syndicate to the traditional mafia, using the seven characteristics of the mafia as described by Reuter and Paoli (2020).
By exploring dominant themes of cult structure, secrecy, and space, it is apparent that Black Axe is not comparable to the traditional mafia despite global headlines.
Before Black Axe was a known criminal threat, the Neo-Black Movement (NBM) of Africa began as a student fraternity founded in 1977 at the University of Benin in Benin City in Edo State (Luxury Drop, 2022). NBM initially aimed to oppose injustice and move against dictatorship (Höhn, 2021). NBM quickly evolved into a criminal splinter group known as Black Axe.
The NBM continues to exist by its own name as a legally recognized business with the Nigerian Corporate Affairs Commission, with a self-reported 30,000 members and connections to high-profile politicians and philanthropic activities.
Various publications reference the NBM and Black Axe as synonymous, such as the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (Refworld, 2012). However, the NBM has publicly disassociated itself from the Black Axe confraternity, notoriously known for dealing drugs, smuggling, and human trafficking (Daily Trust, 2021).
Typically referenced as a “cult” and “confraternity,” most of Black Axe's cultural attributes are speculated and/or unconfirmed. Reasons for joining Black Axe range from the potential to earn money and networking for safety (Luxury Drop, 2022) to forcibly recruiting members (Refworld, 2012).
Membership is reserved for educated males, and there is a stringent, secretive initiation process whereby recruits take an oath of allegiance. Once joining as a confraternity member, the commitment remains strong due to the spiritual link throughout the initiation process, which sometimes takes members to the verge of death.
Some sources claim that Axemen are stripped naked and forced to lie in mud while enduring severe physical abuse, crawl through their tormentors’ legs in a process known as “devil’s passage,” and drink blood (Luxury Drop, 2022). Other sources suggest that initiation ceremonies include bonfires, drugs, and the rape of women (Refworld, 2012). These descriptions instill an image of fear, violence, and cultism.
Axemen are identified by their clothing: black pants, a long-sleeved white shirt, a black beret, and a black coat with the axe insignia (Refworld, 2012). The black axe is also present in their logo, which features a black axe cutting the chains of a black man, with the word “AYE” below. For this reason, the “street cult” group is also called “the Aye” (Anazia, 2017).
Black Axe is known to use the threat of death against members wanting to leave or break the silence fundamental to the group’s membership and initiation process (Judah et al., 2021). The group is not revered by Nigerian people but feared as the Black Axe has a history of confraternity and connection to cultism, kidnappings, violence with rival gangs, and killings (Simwa & Walubengo, 2022).
Despite the information available on Black Axe, the group remains mysterious. There are alleged links to politics, with a few known Black Axe members holding high positions in politics or business (Höhn, 2021). Yet the goal of Black Axe is not to achieve political domain but to penetrate politics to empower their own criminal agenda. Reports mention Nigeria has a long history of electoral violence (Carboni & Serwat, 2023), and Black Axe members play a significant role in instilling fear among voters (Shehu, 2021).
Examples of known Black Axe members who hold (or have held) political power include Augustus Bemigho and Tony Kabaka (Ukpong, 2021), the latter of who was briefly revered by the youth only to have his home riddled with bullets.
There is also reference made to Black Axe receiving money from officials, which has further aggravated rival-gang violence (Refworld, 2012). These corrupt political connections have contributed to hundreds of unsolved murders and multi-million dollar internet fraud globally (Sahara Reporters, 2021), with a lack of conviction for corruption (Hoffmann et al., 2016). It appears that Black Axe is working with (and in) the government but not for the benefit of the Nigerian people.
Black Axe has become one of the most notorious criminal groups worldwide, with a presence throughout Africa, Europe, Asia, and North America. With an estimated membership of over 30,000 people, their expansion has been credited to meticulous planning, dividing geographic areas into zones, and designation of local chiefs. These zonal chiefs collect dues from persons in their jurisdiction (similar to membership fees) and forward the money to leaders in Nigeria (Luxury Drop, 2022).
While Black Axe is known for violence, cult killings, human trafficking, and smuggling in Nigeria, its global reputation seems less violent. Most international reports describe the “mafia-like network of cells” (Shehu, 2021) as a Pan-African movement that has lost its way (Williams, 2012), presenting a criminal threat through highly sophisticated cybercrime efforts, among other crimes including sexual exploitation (Becucci, 2022).
Black Axe has been described as one of the “gangs behind online fraud” (Vice, 2021) and has inspired the collective efforts of Interpol, national criminal investigation units, and other intelligence agencies.
Ultimately, Black Axe is seen as a mysterious and sinister cult-like mafia group with secret initiation ceremonies. Their cultural identity in Nigeria seems to differ from their identity abroad. Foreign media portrays Black Axe as a new type of mafia or mob, as their criminal activities are viewed through a European understanding of criminal syndicates.
While it is apparent that Black Axe operations and targets differ depending on their geographical location, there is insufficient academic research and certainty about Black Axe dynamics to dive deeper.
What is the role of media and schools in propagating and/or preventing interests and membership in extremist organizations?
Radical right-wing movements emerge from specific political and social contexts, such as increasing immigration and xenophobic subcultures (Karpantschof & Mikkelsen, 2017).
These movements attract and recruit individuals with shared historical experiences and/or present fears. Some of these historical experiences extend back to schools where teachers have indirectly (or directly) contributed to the appeal of extremist organizations.
Mattsson & Johannsson explore the role of primary and secondary stigmatization by analyzing the voices of former neo-Nazis and their teachers.
The study reveals commonalities among interviewed former-school children who joined extremist groups, such as violence in the home, unsupportive parents, psychological distress, and a lack of stimulation. These socially vulnerable environments contributed to primary stigmatization in school, which transformed into secondary stigmatization through confrontations where they could retaliate with violence.
Most importantly, these students found community and belonging among the local skinheads and the neo-Nazi movement. Through the study, there is a visible pattern of stigmatization, resistance, and identity formation. Whether or not these developments could have been intercepted is a discussion necessary for future generations.
Teachers were unequipped to manage and support these students who developed a “violence capital” (Mattsson & Johannsson, 2020). Instead, the school attempted to contain their behavior through isolation and correction — which further fed secondary stigmatization. Students were already untrusting of adults due to their tumultuous home lives, and the lack of support or awareness from the school amplified this frustration.
The study concludes that the school (and the teachers) were unable to differentiate between promoting an anti-racist agenda and “satisfying the cognitive and emotional needs of the racist students” (Mattsson & Johannsson, 2020).
Instead, the increased isolation drove students to extremist groups where they felt a sense of belonging and discovered a way to express themselves without judgment from their peers.
Right-wing terrorism is rising. With the modern advantage of technology, far-right extremists have become increasingly active on social media and the internet. As Jones suggests, this online activity has moved the primary battlefield against right-wing terrorism to the virtual world rather than the streets (2020). The process of online radicalization of youth is a global and multi-faced phenomenon. Social media, in particular, is used as a strategic tool to try and incite violent behavior (Alava et al., 2017).
The mainstream media, which contributes to mobilizing radical forces by covering public debates, has further opened opportunities for radicals to exploit (Karpantschof & Mikkelsen, 2017).
As the Radicalisation Awareness Network confirms, the new right-wing extremists emerging on the scene are much younger, and we can not ignore the spread of fake news, which is described to be “like a virus” (2020).
Schools provide an early opportunity to identify vulnerable individuals and meet their cognitive, emotional, and educational needs to reduce recruitment to right-wing extremist networks.
Consider the problem and the context of education for Roma children and youth. Let's explore the process by which a Roma student may be placed in a remedial special school and how this process is flawed?
Despite being the largest ethnic minority in Europe, Roma have been continuously discriminated against for centuries. While discrimination has evolved over the years, education remains a critical concern.
Eurocities report summarizes the context of education for Roma children and youth, revealing that Roma are less likely to attend secondary or higher-level education. Those children who do enroll typically have higher rates of absenteeism and drop-outs (2017).
Across cities, the education of Roma children is associated with weak learning outcomes, high absenteeism, dropouts, and overrepresentation in special education (EuroCities, 2017). These factors lead to a lower level of education, which further contributes to unemployment and the repetitive cycle of poverty and stigmatization as Roma struggle to find jobs.
While (some) cities have attempted to correct the social exclusion of Roma, it has become apparent that prejudice and discrimination are deeply ingrained within the social and political culture of European cities.
The under-representation of Roma in the education system, including teachers from Roma communities, feeds into distrust in the school education system. Distrust combined with Roma cultural factors, such as high mobility, and socio-economic difficulties, places Roma children at a disadvantage in their early development compared to other children (EuroCities, 2017).
Delayed development without proper intervention has led to the over-representation of Romani children in special schools. By disproportionately placing children in special remedial schools, the education system becomes guilty of discrimination.
This form of discrimination has become another emerging problem for the education crisis among Roma children, as emphasized by the landmark case D.H. and Others vs. the Czech Republic, which determined that Roma in the Czech Republic were subject to unlawful discrimination due to disproportionate numbers of Romani children being placed in remedial special schools for children with mild special educational needs (SEN) (Cashman, 2017).
Even attempts at educational reform by the government have fallen flat. For example, implementing “practical schools” for Roma children that offer a standard primary curriculum is void of any modifications to assist the ability of individual students. In another example, the definition of SEN is loose at best. Ingrained prejudice is also apparent in how teachers refer Romani children for psychological testing when they start struggling rather than implement strategies to help them.
Cashman uses the Critical Race Theory (CRT) to argue that institutional racism persists in the Czech Republic to shape attitudes and practices at all levels, leading to the misdiagnosis of Romani children. CRT highlights “the social construction of racial identities, critique of color-blind policies, and the interrogation of intersections of race and class in the formation of identity” (Cashman, 2017).
Bruneau takes CRT one step further to suggest dehumanization as the source of ethnic-based discrimination, even among teachers who were lowest in prejudice (2020).
With this in mind, governmental policy attempts to end segregation will continuously fail due to deeply-rooted institutional discrimination that directly (and indirectly) asserts the power and privileges of the majority (white) population.