Discuss existing and potential governmental responses to right-wing nationalism and neo-Nazism in one or several countries. Are these punitive and preventive measures sufficient in addressing those ideologies?
The severity of the threat of right-wing terrorism has been debated in recent years, with many arguing that right-wing terrorism is rising, particularly compared to Islamic religious terrorism. Other analysts argue that the threat is overstated (Jones et al., 2020).
However, right-wing terrorism’s connection to right-wing nationalism and neo-Nazism, and the associated threat of violence, xenophobia, and political turbulence, presents a security threat to the United States and the rest of the world (Koehler, 2015).
It is essential that national governments introduce both punitive and preventive policies to address rising ideologies of hatred and violence.
I will briefly discuss the rise of right-wing nationalism and neo-Nazism in Europe (using the Pan-Nordic region as an example) and the United States of America. Next, I will compare existing governmental responses and assess the effectiveness of these measures. Finally, I will recommend additional policy efforts to consider.
Presence of right-wing nationalism and neo-Nazism
The resurgence of right-wing nationalism, a political ideology that combines right-wing politics and populist rhetoric and themes, desires to bring back power to the people and is typically antithetical to liberal democracy (Halikiopoulou, 2019).
Right-wing nationalism is typically hegemonic in its cause as a collective (Halikiopoulou, 2019), and extreme right-wing nationalism and activism are connected with neo-Nazi subcultures that exercise violence and racism (Mattsson & Johansson, 2021).
Some of these right-wing extremist groups are based within a certain region, while others are transactional in nature (and threat). By comparing extreme right-wing nationalism between Pan-Nordic countries and the United States, I hope to draw on similarities and differences between the threat.
Right-wing nationalism in Pan-Nordic countries
Much of the focus on right-wing nationalism is centered on Europe, home to several established right-wing terrorist networks. For example, Nordiska motståndsrörelsen (Nordic Resistance Movement, or NRM) is a transnational neo-Nazi organization that operates in Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Finland. The NRM has threatened and attacked minority groups such as homosexual communities, Muslim asylum seekers, and ideological rivals (Jones et al., 2020).
Consider Denmark in the 1980s. The country experienced increased immigration which led to the emergence of a xenophobic subculture and the strong presence of the radical right. Various political and social movements have evolved the radical right into a social movement that includes nationalist associations, militant skinheads, and neo-Nazis.
While there have been lulls in popularity as rival ideologies counter the efforts of the extreme right, national and international circumstances in the past two decades have offered new opportunities for the Danish radical right — both in the streets and as a parliamentary voice (Karpantschof & Mikkelsen, 2017). Similar trends and developments have emerged in other Pan-Nordic countries.
Right-wing nationalism in the United States of America
In the United States, the Anti-Defamation League’s Center on Extremism has assembled a list of 150 right-wing terrorist acts and attempts between 1993 to 2017 (ADL report, 2022).
Unlike European examples, where right-wing nationalists are often members of organized and/or political groups, many of these attacks in the United States are seemingly executed by lone perpetrators connected to (or inspired by) an underground network with leaderless resistance (Frontline PBS, 2020). Most right-wing extremist attacks fall under two categories: white supremacists (including neo-Nazis) and anti-government extremists (ADL report, 2022).
In recent years, organized groups branded right-wing nationalists in the United States, such as the Proud Boys and the Oath Keepers, have become more prominent. As in the Pan-Nordic region, certain international and social developments have created a platform for right-wing nationalists to gain momentum. For example, the strengthening of liberal political parties and their ideologies (Pahnke, 2021) and the military response to white-power activism (Frontline PBS, 2020).
Existing governmental responses and effectiveness
Political and social expression is fundamental in right-wing nationalism and extremist movements, and governmental policies are necessary to prevent and punish threats and acts of violence.
Governmental responses in Pan-Nordic countries
The NMR is pro-violence and uncompromising, spreading its political agenda and leveraging different kinds of violence, threats, and harassment to prevent retaliation. Yet the NMR remains a legal organization (in Sweden), and NMR members swiftly confront politicians who criticize the movement (Kenes, 2021).
NMR leadership dismisses illegal activities committed by members as isolated and independent acts. In response, the government has mapped out the most active members in the NMR. A minority percentage have been convicted or prosecuted for crimes, with almost a quarter of cases leading to imprisonment. The NMR is also on the radar of the Swedish Security Police (Säpo), who have classified the NMR’s violent tendencies as the second biggest threat in Sweden (after Islamic terrorism) (Kenes, 2021).
Apart from monitoring groups and punishing violent perpetrators, the government is also implementing policies that prioritize equality and promote equal treatment of all persons without discrimination based on gender, race, or ethnic origin. For example, Denmark has established the Danish Institute for Human Rights (DIHR). In addition, the court has found discriminatory video statements by the leader of the Hard Line extreme-right party not to be protected by freedom of speech (ECRI, 2022).
Some European countries have banned right-wing extremist networks and placed sanctions on right-wing extremist groups that allow governments to freeze financial assets and criminalize group members. However, the internet and social media forums remain important platforms for right-wing extremists to spread propaganda and coordinate their actions (Jones et al., 2020).
Other efforts to strengthen democracy against extreme right-wing nationalism in Sweden include initiatives to increase election turnout to enhance democratic awareness, implement democracy-promoting initiatives in civil society, promote democracy in schools, and protect human rights by combatting discrimination, xenophobia, and other forms of intolerance. Culture is prioritized as part of the democratic system, and there are initiatives to reduce exclusion among young people and foreign-born individuals (Björklund & Ohlsson, 2011).
Governmental responses in the United States of America
In the United States of America, the comparable right-wing movement is composed of a “highly diverse and loosely connected network of individuals and groups who reject U.S. laws, taxation, currency, and the government’s legitimacy, especially regarding the control of firearms.” (Koehler, 2015).
The fluid and underground nature of these groups makes it difficult for law enforcement to detect communication and group structures before a violent event occurs. Even so, the United States has not banned any far-right organizations (Jones et al., 2020), and the focus remains on religious terrorist networks such as the Islamic State and al-Qaeda.
Although not always apparent, the early warning signs of violent right-wing actions are often ignored, as was the case with the January 06 storming of the Capitol Building, which revealed the lack of preparation for the event and the failure to translate operational intelligence into an effective preventative plan (Perliger, 2023).
Policy recommendations focus on better communication and coordination between the federal government, law enforcement, and intelligence agencies to prevent future events of a similar nature. Public education and awareness of the threat of domestic terrorism is also a priority (Perliger, 2023).
As punishment, civil lawsuits for damages by the victims of far-right violence have been an effective tool (Perliger, 2023). The Biden Administration has also introduced a new unit within the Justice Department that consists of a team of attorneys dedicated to investigating domestic terrorism and tightening the focus on U.S. national security within the borders (Bergengruen & Hennigan, 2022).
Effectiveness of governmental responses
While these preventive and punitive measures acknowledge the threat of extreme right-wing nationalism and neo-Nazi movements, the threat remains understated and debated.
Both the loose and fluid nature of these networks in the United States of America (as well as the country’s strong policy on free speech) and the political authority of these organizations in Pan-Nordic countries suggest that greater effort is needed to focus on preventing the threat of violence.
By studying the United States and the Pan-Nordic region as two Western regions with differing politics and cultures, it is apparent that nuanced efforts are needed to address the cause of right-wing nationalism and the triggers that inspire growth in each region. Some of these efforts will overlap, while others are more specific to the political and social climate.
Potential governmental responses
Mattsson and Johansson (2020) report on the role school and teachers play in handling racism in schools to prevent the growth of the neo-Nazi movement in Sweden. Results show that attempts to isolate troubled students lead to resistance and stigmatization, which fuel the radicalization process. To prevent this from happening, schools and their staff should be educated on the difference between promoting an anti-racist agenda and satisfying the cognitive and emotional needs of racist students.
A long-term approach is recommended by Perliger, who suggests the development of socialization and behavioral processes can prevent political polarization in the United States (2023). A push for developing mechanisms and solutions that address the spreading of hate speech, misinformation, and extremist rhetoric in online spheres should also be a key focus (Perliger, 2023).
In both regions, public education on immigration and its implications are crucial for improving tolerance for migrant communities. Reeskens & van Oorschot suggest that public opinion toward migrants originates from “aspirations about citizenship, as well as perceptions about its realization” (2017). Policymakers should be concerned about the impact of misinformation and how it correlates with immigration policies to nurture a public opinion of tolerance.
Finally, the origins of violence should be considered and intercepted. Mattsson and Johansson study how violence is reproduced and how a violent upbringing and a violent environment during childhood create ideal conditions for a violent neo-Nazi lifestyle (2021). Effective prevention strategies are essential to promote awareness about child mistreatment and to foster a commitment to social change, especially for at-risk children in schools.
References
- ADL Report. (2022). A Dark and Constant Rage: 25 Years of Right-Wing Terrorism in the United States. Accessed on May 20, 2023, from https://www.adl.org/sites/default/files/CR_5154_25YRS%20RightWing%20Terrorism_V5.pdf
- Bergengruen, V. & Hennigan, W. (January 24, 2022). Prosecuting Domestic Terrorism is Notoriously Difficult. This New Team of Lawyers Has a Mounting Caseload. TIME. Accessed on May 20, 2023, from https://time.com/6140308/domestic-terrorism-justice-department-unit-joe-biden/
- Björklund, J. & Ohlsson, B. (2011). Action plan to safeguard democracy against violence-promoting extremism. Government Offices of Sweden. Accessed on May 20, 2023, from https://www.government.se/contentassets/b94f163a3c5941aebaeb78174ea27a29/action-plan-to-safeguard-democracy-against-violence-promoting-extremism-sr.-20111244 ECRI. (2022).
- ECRI Report on Denmark (sixth monitoring cycle). Council of Europe. Accessed on May 20, 2023, from https://rm.coe.int/6th-ecri-report-on-denmark-/1680a6d5e4
- Frontline PBS | Official. (November 03, 2020). Documenting Hate: New American Nazis (full documentary) | Frontline. [Video]. YouTube https://youtu.be/-XFBVAAzXjc
- Halikiopoulou, D. (2019) Right-wing populism as a nationalist vision of legitimating collective choice: a supply-side perspective. The International Spectator, 54 (2). pp. 35-49. ISSN 0393-2729 doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2019.1588544
- Jones, S., G., Doxsee, C., and Harrington, N. (March 2020). The right-wing terrorism threat in Europe. A report of the CSIS Transnational Threats Project. Center for Strategies and International Studies.
- Karpantschof, R., & Mikkelsen. F. (2017). The rise and transformation of the radical right movement in Denmark 1980–2015. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 40, 8, 712-730.
- Kenes, B. (April 2020). NMR: A Nordic neo-Nazi organization with aims of establishing totalitarian rule across Scandinavia. ECPS. Accessed on May 20, 2023, from https://www.populismstudies.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/ECPS-Organisational-Profile-Series-4.pdf
- Koehler, D. (2015). Right-wing extremism and terrorism in Europe. Current developments and issues for the future. Prism 6, 2, 85-104.
- Mattsson, Ch. & Johansson, Th. (2020) The hateful other neo-Nazis in school and teachers strategies for handling racism, British Journal of Sociology of Education 41, 8,1149-1163,
- Mattsson, Ch., & Johansson, Th. (2021). “We are the White Aryan Warriors”: Violence, homosociality, the construction of masculinity in the National Socialist Movement in Sweden. Men and Masculinities 24, 3, 393-410.
- Pahnke, A. (March 31, 2021). How the far right got a stranglehold on the West. Aljazeera. Accessed on May 20, 2023, from https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2021/3/31/how-the-far-right-got-a-stranglehold-on-the-west
- Perliger, A. (January 02, 2023). Contextualizing the Jan 6th Report: Contemporary Trends in Far-Right Violence in the US. ICCT. Accessed on May 20, 2023, from https://www.icct.nl/publication/contextualising-jan-6th-report-contemporary-trends-far-right-violence-us
- Reeskens, T., & Van Oorschot, W. (2017). Conceptions of Citizenship and Tolerance towards Immigrants. In Oxford University Press eBooks (pp. 177–198). https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198795452.003.0007
Consider the challenges in conducting qualitative research, such as risk and danger in conducting fieldwork, multicultural and multilingual settings, and limited resources.
Various qualitative research methods offer significant interpretative value and produce culturally rich analyses (Blake, 2020), but it doesn’t come without their risks and challenges. Qualitative research in a global or international context introduces additional risks and challenges, especially when considering multicultural and multilingual settings as cultural differences.
Ethical considerations
Qualitative researchers enter a new location as an outsider. This status doesn’t change regardless of how well-acquainted the researcher becomes with the community (IQR Toolkit, 2021). When conducting research in a violent setting, these risks and dangers become more prominent.
One of the most important considerations and challenges involves guaranteeing the privacy and anonymity of participants in a dangerous space and protecting vulnerable groups, including those susceptible to gender discrimination (Blake, 2020). Researchers must consider surveillance and time of interviews when planning interviews in dangerous environments.
Blake emphasizes the importance of minimizing all participants’ risks to personal safety (2020). Failure to understand the local culture and follow these guidelines could introduce life-threatening repercussions from violent agents in the space (state, gang culture, or other).
Askanius (2019) introduces a critical question that all researchers should use throughout the process — why and for whom are we producing research on these groups, and what ethical considerations and problems related to intent could arise?
Environmental considerations
While speaking about the dangerous spaces in Latin American and Caribbean countries, Blake (2020) points to political turbulence and state-led violence, gang culture due to the drug trade, and violence within communities due to poor economic circumstances and weak leadership. As an outsider entering this space, it is essential to have a gatekeeper who can navigate the spaces, increase trust, and serve as a buffer to cultural conflict.
Environmental factors can reduce accessibility to research sites for fieldwork. For example, Blake describes how Jill (a pseudonym) had difficulty accessing a site due to military presence, which interfered with her research objectives and schedule (2020). Accessibility is also impacted by gang violence and language barriers.
In other instances, environmental health risks can also present a risk and challenge when conducting fieldwork. Sonia Richter discusses weather, roads, and even health risks (such as the Ebola outbreak) impacting safety when conducting fieldwork in Ghana. Looking at international health guidelines helps navigate this challenge (IQR Toolkit, 2021).
Cultural and identity considerations
Finally, it is important to note that the researcher’s identity impacts fieldwork processes and safety in the field. While a gatekeeper helps soften the clash of cultures or languages, there is usually an element of distrust when an outsider enters the environment. This level of distrust may vary depending on the race, culture, ethnicity, age, and gender of the researcher.
Blake reveals how distrust is experienced through both familiarity and unfamiliarity. For example, Blake’s identity as a dark-skinned Jamaican man allowed him to connect with research participants. However, it also introduced skepticism as the participants were suspicious that he worked for the government or a law enforcement agency (2020).
Alternatives to fieldwork?
There is the option to use video conferencing to facilitate focus groups for qualitative data collection. However, there are significant challenges and limitations, even in ideal situations where participants are adept with technology and have the necessary resources (Greenspan et al., 2021). For example, poor connection, high attrition rate, and inability to read body language.
References
- Askanius, T. (2019). Studying the Nordic Resistance Movement: Three urgent questions for researchers of contemporary neo-Nazis and their media practices. Media, Culture & Society 41, 6, 878–888.
- Blake, D.K. (2020). Researching violence: Conducting risky fieldwork in dangerous spaces across Latin America and the Caribbean. Journal of Ethnographic & Qualitative Research 14, 153–169.
- Greenspan, S.B., Gordon, K.L., Whitcomb, S.A., and Lauterbach, A.A. (2021). Use of video conferencing to facilitate focus groups for qualitative data collection. American Journal of Qualitative Research 5, 1, 85-93.
- IQR Toolkit (November 18, 2021). Conducting Qualitative Research in an International Context. [Video]. YouTube https://youtu.be/teMrM32vpSo
What factors influence migrant women’s feelings of isolation? Why might these feelings persist despite having a husband and children? How do experiences of discrimination impact migrant women’s emotional, mental, and physical health?
The specific factors contributing to isolation vary slightly depending on the woman’s gender identity, ethnicity, migration status, religion, education level, and host country’s policies, among other factors. However, studies across situations reveal a few common factors contributing to isolation.
Language barriers and economics isolate women and increase the risk of abuse from their partners or employers (Mirza, 2016). Even with the UK government’s “right-to-exit” rationale, the question persists whether migrant women can survive economically without their community and marital relationship.
Often, migrant women originate from countries where community and family serve as support structures. In a new, foreign country, this support system does not exist. The opportunity to find community is limited by language barriers and economic dependence on partners who keep them isolated as a form of control.
Pérez introduces discriminatory stereotypes as another factor when discussing the experience of Venezuelan survival migrants in Peru (2021). Socio-racial hierarchies in Peru determine integration and/or opportunities for socio-economic mobility, which has found Venezuelan women stuck in exploited gendered services.
Persisting isolation despite husband and children
Despite many women migrating with their family unit, feelings of isolation often persist.
One of the reasons involves cultural differences and the shift in gender roles. In many instances, cultural norms from countries of origin position the woman as the caregiver and homemaker while the man is the financial provider. When migrating, women are willing to settle for low-paying jobs (often below their skill/educational level) to provide for their families. At the same time, men are more likely to consider poorly-paid jobs as personal humiliation (Karimi et al., 2019).
The shift in gender roles and cultural clash with the host country’s norms introduces new stressors into the family and limits opportunities for migrant women to connect with the community for support.
Unfortunately, domestic violence also contributes to persisting isolation despite the family unit. Domestic violence in migrant communities goes largely unreported for various reasons, including lack of support, language barriers, misinformation, economic dependence, and visa restrictions.
Impact of discrimination on migrant women’s emotional, mental, and physical health
Research has revealed how discrimination impacts migrant women’s emotional, mental, and physical health. For example, Røysum elaborates on the discrimination in the workplace that harms resourceful migrant women’s self-efficacy and identity, as their competencies in their home country are not recognized in the host country (2020).
Mirza describes the discriminatory legal structure involved in migration that empowers perpetrators of abuse to brandish a woman’s access to a visa as a tool for misuse. Women remain trapped in abusive relationships to avoid economic distress or deportation (which includes the risk of rejection in their homeland for abandoning their husbands) (2016).
Gaps in migration data and discriminatory policy have left migrant women exposed to a vulnerability where they cannot connect with service providers. In other instances, their efforts are thwarted by the lack of cultural understanding and stereotypes (Karimi et al., 2019).
Some women have clung to remnants of home to alleviate the emotional and mental stress of discrimination, such as migrant women who choose to wear the hijab in Germany. Even then, the decision to liberate themselves in this way can lead to racism, violence, and exclusion (Kook & Paz, 2021).
References
- Karimi, A., Okeke-Ihejirika, Ph., & Salami B., & (2019) African immigrant women s transition and integration into Canadian society expectations stressors and tensions, Gender, Place & Culture, 26:4, 581-601.
- Mirza, N. (2016). The UK government’s conflicting agendas and ‘harmful’ immigration policies: Shaping South Asian women’s experiences of abuse and “exit,’ Critical Social Policy 36, 4, 592-609.
- Paz, A., & Kook, R. (2021). It reminds me that I still exist Critical thoughts on intersectionality refugee Muslim women in Berlin and the meanings of the hijab, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 47:13, 2979-2996.
- Perez, L. M., and Ugarte, D. (2021). Venezuelan women in Peru: At the borders of nationality, gender, and survival migration. Journal of International Migration and Integration 22, 1313–1327.
- Røysum, A. (2020) The job-seeking experiences of resourceful female immigrants and the impact on their self-efficacy beliefs. European Journal of Social Work, 23, 1, 173-184. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691457.2018.1476328
Nigeria has several criminal organizations that conduct various illicit activities, including human trafficking, smuggling, drug trafficking, and cybercrime (Anisulowo, 2022). In the past decade, the Black Axe has become one of the most powerful and deadly criminal groups originating from Nigeria, with a presence throughout Africa, Europe, Asia, and North America (Judah et al., 2021).
The global nature of Black Axe has led to different understandings of the group, and the media depiction of the organization varies depending on the geographical source.
Within Nigeria, Black Axe is presented as a violent group of young men who threaten the local community by committing murder, kidnappings, and human trafficking (Babajide, 2021).
Around the world, Black Axe has been described as a “new kind of mafia” or a “new mob” (The Mob Reporter, 2016). Focused on cybercrime, their illicit activities are mostly non-violent but still destructive.
By conducting a LexisNexis search on Black Axe and their culture, I have concluded three dominant themes: cult membership, secrecy, and space. By exploring these themes, I aim to describe the cultural understanding of the Black Axe as depicted in the public realm, concluding that Black Axe is seen as a mysterious threat shrouded in secrecy.
Methods
The following content analysis was conducted using a LexisNexis search on Google, cross-referencing with related articles from the Lloyd Sealy Library. Collecting information from public records and various data sources offered insights into Black Axe's cultural attributes.
After an initial search on Google using the keywords Nigerian criminal organizations and culture, it became apparent that Black Axe is one of the most prolific and widely-reported groups in Google’s top results and news stories. I further refined the search to include keywords such as Black Axe culture, how do the Nigerian criminal organizations work, Nigerian criminal organizations structure, and relationship between Black Axe and government Nigeria.
I repeated these search terms in the Lloyd Sealy Library, where three significant articles were listed for Nigerian criminal organizations and culture. These articles include Linking Organizational Justice to Organizational Commitment Among Nigerian Police Officers (Sun et al. 2021), Italian Cops Try to Stop a Sex Trafficking Gang Called Black Axe (All Things Considered, 2018), and Pirate Towns: Reworking Social and Symbolic Infrastructures in Johannesburg and Douala (Simone, 2006).
Despite many Google articles and publications on Black Axe, there is very little information about the organization from academic sources, supporting the suggestion that the Nigerian criminal organization has not been studied, adding to the group’s reputation of secrecy.
Content analysis and discussion
Search results focused on the origins of Black Axe, how the group has expanded worldwide, and why they are seen as a significant threat. As several articles referenced Black Axe as a “new mafia,” I considered the comparison of Black Axe as a modern criminal syndicate to the traditional mafia, using the seven characteristics of the mafia as described by Reuter and Paoli (2020).
By exploring dominant themes of cult structure, secrecy, and space, it is apparent that Black Axe is not comparable to the traditional mafia despite global headlines.
A. Cult membership: Origins and cultural attributes of Black Axe
Before Black Axe was a known criminal threat, the Neo-Black Movement (NBM) of Africa began as a student fraternity founded in 1977 at the University of Benin in Benin City in Edo State (Luxury Drop, 2022). NBM initially aimed to oppose injustice and move against dictatorship (Höhn, 2021). NBM quickly evolved into a criminal splinter group known as Black Axe.
The NBM continues to exist by its own name as a legally recognized business with the Nigerian Corporate Affairs Commission, with a self-reported 30,000 members and connections to high-profile politicians and philanthropic activities.
Various publications reference the NBM and Black Axe as synonymous, such as the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (Refworld, 2012). However, the NBM has publicly disassociated itself from the Black Axe confraternity, notoriously known for dealing drugs, smuggling, and human trafficking (Daily Trust, 2021).
Typically referenced as a “cult” and “confraternity,” most of Black Axe's cultural attributes are speculated and/or unconfirmed. Reasons for joining Black Axe range from the potential to earn money and networking for safety (Luxury Drop, 2022) to forcibly recruiting members (Refworld, 2012).
Membership is reserved for educated males, and there is a stringent, secretive initiation process whereby recruits take an oath of allegiance. Once joining as a confraternity member, the commitment remains strong due to the spiritual link throughout the initiation process, which sometimes takes members to the verge of death.
Some sources claim that Axemen are stripped naked and forced to lie in mud while enduring severe physical abuse, crawl through their tormentors’ legs in a process known as “devil’s passage,” and drink blood (Luxury Drop, 2022). Other sources suggest that initiation ceremonies include bonfires, drugs, and the rape of women (Refworld, 2012). These descriptions instill an image of fear, violence, and cultism.
Axemen are identified by their clothing: black pants, a long-sleeved white shirt, a black beret, and a black coat with the axe insignia (Refworld, 2012). The black axe is also present in their logo, which features a black axe cutting the chains of a black man, with the word “AYE” below. For this reason, the “street cult” group is also called “the Aye” (Anazia, 2017).
Black Axe is known to use the threat of death against members wanting to leave or break the silence fundamental to the group’s membership and initiation process (Judah et al., 2021). The group is not revered by Nigerian people but feared as the Black Axe has a history of confraternity and connection to cultism, kidnappings, violence with rival gangs, and killings (Simwa & Walubengo, 2022).
B. Secrecy: Political connection and organization hierarchy
Despite the information available on Black Axe, the group remains mysterious. There are alleged links to politics, with a few known Black Axe members holding high positions in politics or business (Höhn, 2021). Yet the goal of Black Axe is not to achieve political domain but to penetrate politics to empower their own criminal agenda. Reports mention Nigeria has a long history of electoral violence (Carboni & Serwat, 2023), and Black Axe members play a significant role in instilling fear among voters (Shehu, 2021).
Examples of known Black Axe members who hold (or have held) political power include Augustus Bemigho and Tony Kabaka (Ukpong, 2021), the latter of who was briefly revered by the youth only to have his home riddled with bullets.
There is also reference made to Black Axe receiving money from officials, which has further aggravated rival-gang violence (Refworld, 2012). These corrupt political connections have contributed to hundreds of unsolved murders and multi-million dollar internet fraud globally (Sahara Reporters, 2021), with a lack of conviction for corruption (Hoffmann et al., 2016). It appears that Black Axe is working with (and in) the government but not for the benefit of the Nigerian people.
C. Space: Global expansion and misaligned reputation
Black Axe has become one of the most notorious criminal groups worldwide, with a presence throughout Africa, Europe, Asia, and North America. With an estimated membership of over 30,000 people, their expansion has been credited to meticulous planning, dividing geographic areas into zones, and designation of local chiefs. These zonal chiefs collect dues from persons in their jurisdiction (similar to membership fees) and forward the money to leaders in Nigeria (Luxury Drop, 2022).
While Black Axe is known for violence, cult killings, human trafficking, and smuggling in Nigeria, its global reputation seems less violent. Most international reports describe the “mafia-like network of cells” (Shehu, 2021) as a Pan-African movement that has lost its way (Williams, 2012), presenting a criminal threat through highly sophisticated cybercrime efforts, among other crimes including sexual exploitation (Becucci, 2022).
Black Axe has been described as one of the “gangs behind online fraud” (Vice, 2021) and has inspired the collective efforts of Interpol, national criminal investigation units, and other intelligence agencies.
Ultimately, Black Axe is seen as a mysterious and sinister cult-like mafia group with secret initiation ceremonies. Their cultural identity in Nigeria seems to differ from their identity abroad. Foreign media portrays Black Axe as a new type of mafia or mob, as their criminal activities are viewed through a European understanding of criminal syndicates.
While it is apparent that Black Axe operations and targets differ depending on their geographical location, there is insufficient academic research and certainty about Black Axe dynamics to dive deeper.
References
- Anazia, D. (July 15, 2017). Worrisome, rising cases of street cultism. The Guardian, Nigeria. Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://guardian.ng/saturday-magazine/worrisome-rising-cases-of-street-cultism/
- Anisulowo, J. (September 25, 2022). Criminal gangs that have terrorized Nigeria over the last 5 decades. Skabash! Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://www.skabash.com/criminal-gangs-in-nigeria/.
- Babjide, A. (December 02, 2021). Black Axe, Eiye cult clash claims six lives in Ondo. Daily Post. Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://dailypost.ng/2021/12/02/black-axe-eiye-cult-clash-claims-six-lives-in-ondo/
- Becucci, S. (2022). Nigerian criminal groups in Italy: Organizational structure, drug trafficking, and sexual exploitation. Quaderni Di Sociologia, (88- XLVI), 71–91. https://doi.org/10.4000/qds.4839
- Carboni, A. & Serwat, L. (February 22, 2023). Political violence and the 2023 Nigerian election ACLED. Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://acleddata.com/2023/02/22/political-violence-and-the-2023-nigerian-election/
- Daily Trust. (December 29, 2021). Neo-Black Movement dissociates itself from cult group, Black Axe. Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://dailytrust.com/neo-black-movement-dissociates-self-from-cult-group-black-axe/
- Hoffmann, L., Smith, P., Clapham, C, & Vines, A. (May 06, 2016). Tracing the origins of Nigerian organized crime: Politics, corruption, and the growth of criminal networks. Chatham House: The Royal Institute of International Affairs. Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/events/2016-05-06-tracing-the-origins-of-nigerian-organized-crime.pdf
- Höhn, J. (April 07, 2021). The Nigerian mafia and human trafficking. Hope for the Future. Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://www.hopeforthefuture.at/en/the-nigerian-mafia-and-human-trafficking/.
- Italian Cops Try To Stop A Sex Trafficking Gang Called Black Axe [Radio broadcast transcript]. (2018, May 16). All Things Considered, NA. https://link-gale-com.ez.lib.jjay.cuny.edu/apps/doc/A539736725/OVIC?u=cuny_johnjay&sid=primo&xid=3f4d8b80
- Judah, S., Macjob, P.Northcott, C. & Northcott, C. (December 12, 2021) The ultra-violent cult that became a global mafia. BBC News. Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-59614595.
- Luxury Drop. (August 14, 2022). Black Axe: Global Nigerian Underworld Group. [Video]. YouTube https://youtu.be/suTJJgtIPSs Refworld. (December 03, 2012).
- Nigeria: The Black Axe confraternity, also known as the Neo-Black Movement of Africa, including their rituals, oaths of secrecy, and use of symbols or particular signs; whether they use force to recruit individuals (2009-November 2012). Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB). Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://www.refworld.org/docid/50ebf7a82.html
- Reuter, P., & Paoli, L. (2020). How similar are modern criminal syndicates to traditional mafias? Crime & Justice 1, 223-287.
- Sahara Reporters. (December 13, 2021). Black Axe: BBC Africa Eye investigation links Edo politicians to cult group. Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://saharareporters.com/2021/12/13/black-axe-bbc-africa-eye-investigation-links-edo-politicians-cult-group
- Shehu, I. (December 13, 2021). Report: How Black Axe cult group is infiltrating Nigerian politics. The Cable. Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://www.thecable.ng/report-how-black-axe-cult-group-is-infiltrating-nigerian-politics
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- Simwa, A. & Walubengo, P. (July 20, 2022). Types of cultism in Nigeria and their symbols: Interesting facts. Legit. Accessed on April 23, 2023, from https://www.legit.ng/1117694-types-cultism-nigeria-symbols.html
- Sun, I. Y., Wu, Y., Otu, S. E., Aro, G. C., Akor, I. C., & Nnam, M. U. (2021). Linking organizational justice to organizational commitment among Nigerian police officers. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 49(2), 220–238. https://doi.org/10.1177/00938548211036177
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What is the role of media and schools in propagating and/or preventing interests and membership in extremist organizations?
Radical right-wing movements emerge from specific political and social contexts, such as increasing immigration and xenophobic subcultures (Karpantschof & Mikkelsen, 2017).
These movements attract and recruit individuals with shared historical experiences and/or present fears. Some of these historical experiences extend back to schools where teachers have indirectly (or directly) contributed to the appeal of extremist organizations.
Primary and secondary stigmatization in schools
Mattsson & Johannsson explore the role of primary and secondary stigmatization by analyzing the voices of former neo-Nazis and their teachers.
The study reveals commonalities among interviewed former-school children who joined extremist groups, such as violence in the home, unsupportive parents, psychological distress, and a lack of stimulation. These socially vulnerable environments contributed to primary stigmatization in school, which transformed into secondary stigmatization through confrontations where they could retaliate with violence.
Most importantly, these students found community and belonging among the local skinheads and the neo-Nazi movement. Through the study, there is a visible pattern of stigmatization, resistance, and identity formation. Whether or not these developments could have been intercepted is a discussion necessary for future generations.
Failed responses that drive membership
Teachers were unequipped to manage and support these students who developed a “violence capital” (Mattsson & Johannsson, 2020). Instead, the school attempted to contain their behavior through isolation and correction — which further fed secondary stigmatization. Students were already untrusting of adults due to their tumultuous home lives, and the lack of support or awareness from the school amplified this frustration.
The study concludes that the school (and the teachers) were unable to differentiate between promoting an anti-racist agenda and “satisfying the cognitive and emotional needs of the racist students” (Mattsson & Johannsson, 2020).
Instead, the increased isolation drove students to extremist groups where they felt a sense of belonging and discovered a way to express themselves without judgment from their peers.
Rise of the youth involved
Right-wing terrorism is rising. With the modern advantage of technology, far-right extremists have become increasingly active on social media and the internet. As Jones suggests, this online activity has moved the primary battlefield against right-wing terrorism to the virtual world rather than the streets (2020). The process of online radicalization of youth is a global and multi-faced phenomenon. Social media, in particular, is used as a strategic tool to try and incite violent behavior (Alava et al., 2017).
The mainstream media, which contributes to mobilizing radical forces by covering public debates, has further opened opportunities for radicals to exploit (Karpantschof & Mikkelsen, 2017).
As the Radicalisation Awareness Network confirms, the new right-wing extremists emerging on the scene are much younger, and we can not ignore the spread of fake news, which is described to be “like a virus” (2020).
Schools provide an early opportunity to identify vulnerable individuals and meet their cognitive, emotional, and educational needs to reduce recruitment to right-wing extremist networks.
References
- Alava, S., Frau-Meigs, D., & Hassan, G. (2017). Youth and violent extremism on social media: mapping the research. UNESCO Publishing
- Jones, S., G., Doxsee, C., and Harrington, N. (March 2020). The right-wing terrorism threat in Europe. A report of the CSIS Transnational Threats Project. Center for Strategies and International Studies.
- Karpantschof, R., & Mikkelsen. F. (2017). The rise and transformation of the radical right movement in Denmark 1980–2015. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 40, 8, 712-730.
- Mattsson, Ch. & Johansson, Th. (2020) The hateful other neo-Nazis in school and teachers' strategies for handling racism. British Journal of Sociology of Education 41, 8,1149-1163
- Radicalisation Awareness Network (2020, May 22). The rise of violent right-wing extremism in Europe. [Video]. YouTube https://youtu.be/vCxSCfaNgoI.
Consider the problem and the context of education for Roma children and youth. Let's explore the process by which a Roma student may be placed in a remedial special school and how this process is flawed?
Despite being the largest ethnic minority in Europe, Roma have been continuously discriminated against for centuries. While discrimination has evolved over the years, education remains a critical concern.
Context of Education
Eurocities report summarizes the context of education for Roma children and youth, revealing that Roma are less likely to attend secondary or higher-level education. Those children who do enroll typically have higher rates of absenteeism and drop-outs (2017).
Problem of Education
Across cities, the education of Roma children is associated with weak learning outcomes, high absenteeism, dropouts, and overrepresentation in special education (EuroCities, 2017). These factors lead to a lower level of education, which further contributes to unemployment and the repetitive cycle of poverty and stigmatization as Roma struggle to find jobs.
While (some) cities have attempted to correct the social exclusion of Roma, it has become apparent that prejudice and discrimination are deeply ingrained within the social and political culture of European cities.
Remedial Schools
The under-representation of Roma in the education system, including teachers from Roma communities, feeds into distrust in the school education system. Distrust combined with Roma cultural factors, such as high mobility, and socio-economic difficulties, places Roma children at a disadvantage in their early development compared to other children (EuroCities, 2017).
Delayed development without proper intervention has led to the over-representation of Romani children in special schools. By disproportionately placing children in special remedial schools, the education system becomes guilty of discrimination.
This form of discrimination has become another emerging problem for the education crisis among Roma children, as emphasized by the landmark case D.H. and Others vs. the Czech Republic, which determined that Roma in the Czech Republic were subject to unlawful discrimination due to disproportionate numbers of Romani children being placed in remedial special schools for children with mild special educational needs (SEN) (Cashman, 2017).
Even attempts at educational reform by the government have fallen flat. For example, implementing “practical schools” for Roma children that offer a standard primary curriculum is void of any modifications to assist the ability of individual students. In another example, the definition of SEN is loose at best. Ingrained prejudice is also apparent in how teachers refer Romani children for psychological testing when they start struggling rather than implement strategies to help them.
Critical Race theory
Cashman uses the Critical Race Theory (CRT) to argue that institutional racism persists in the Czech Republic to shape attitudes and practices at all levels, leading to the misdiagnosis of Romani children. CRT highlights “the social construction of racial identities, critique of color-blind policies, and the interrogation of intersections of race and class in the formation of identity” (Cashman, 2017).
Bruneau takes CRT one step further to suggest dehumanization as the source of ethnic-based discrimination, even among teachers who were lowest in prejudice (2020).
With this in mind, governmental policy attempts to end segregation will continuously fail due to deeply-rooted institutional discrimination that directly (and indirectly) asserts the power and privileges of the majority (white) population.
References
- Bruneau, E., Szekeres, H., Kteily, N., Tropp, L.R., & Kende, A. (2020). Beyond dislike: Blatant dehumanization predicts teacher discrimination. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 23, 4, 560-577.
- Eurocities. (2017). Mapping_of_the_situation_of_Roma_in_cities in Europe. The European Union Programme for Employment and Social Innovation "EaSI" (2014-2020).
- Cashman, L. (2017). New label no progress- institutional racism and the persistent segregation of Romani students in the Czech Republic. Race, Ethnicity and Education 20, 5, 595-608.